The All for Ireland League met in the Cork City Hall on March 31 1910, with the Earl of Dunraven presiding. Dunraven represented that sector of the landed gentry who identified with Ireland, and lived there. His family had been associated with the foundation of St Columba's College, the purpose of which was to teach Irish to the sons of the landed gentry, the better to understand their tenantry, nearly a century earlier. On the platform were William O'Brien MP and Tim Healy KC MP. The call went out for an all-party conference, to consider an all-UK federal system. The Home Rule Bill was attacked as being bad financially; everything of any importance was reserved. It was held that the Ulster rank and file would accept a wise measure of Home Rule. The Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH) was seen as the enemy: '...must a man, before he dare call himself an Irishmen, have a pass from Mr Devlin?'

Reports from the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC): on April 4 1911 they submitted a copy of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland (GOLI) Manifesto, dated Dec 7 1910, which had been sent around the lodges calling for the enrolment of ex-servicemen with military experience. On April 5 1911 Orange drilling near Roslea; Sept 8 1911 indications of drilling and interest in weapons; Oct 23 drilling in the mode of the Boys Brigade. The general impact of the RIC reports is to mention it but to play down its significance.

On Dec 12 there were 24 new rifles addressed to T Johnston of Swartragh (not a near relation), said to be direct marketing to avoid shopkeepers profits. They were said to be collecting for a cannon. On Dec 11 the opinion of the law officer was that they could be arrested for sedition and the arms seized.

On Jan 30 1912 150 were drilling at Bangor; Jan 31 at Greyabbey; Feb 2 50 or 60 were drilling on Lord Claremorris' demesne. On Feb 8 1912 Sir David Hamil, the Assistant Commissioner of police, wrote to the effect that '...Ulster is serious; there are guns, but does not believe that there is purposeful arming or drilling....worried about tax on industry...ill-timed action of the RC Church...the McCann case...'. This is a reference to the perceived threat to Protestants from an RC State in a position to enforce the 'ne temere' decree, which governed inter-church weddings. Bonar Law was in Belfast on April 12 1912, presumably in support of this stirring-up process.

On April 11 1912 Asquith moved the first reading of the Home Rule Bill, and introduced the possibility of 'Home Rule all round', citing the impossibility of Westminster dealing with all imperial detail.

He visited Dublin on July 19, and made a speech which is on record in print, with an introduction by Robert Harcourt MP, Hon Sec of the Home Rule Council. In this he comments on the Tory press, which was fulminating to the effect that it was outrageous for Asquith to go to Dublin. He remarked sarcastically that while it was apparently acceptable to the Tory press for '..Sir Edward Carson to go to Belfast, to Dublin and to Cork, breathing fire and slaughter, no member of the responsible Executive may, it would appear, go anywhere or say anything...'

He got a massive welcome in Westland Row (where the boat train came in), and went on to the Theatre Royal where he made a robust speech in favour of Home Rule and ridiculing Partition.

Meantime the Tory machinations in the North proceeded, with the connivance of the top military people. Asquith receives a note from Birrell dated July 24 1913: '...had interview with HM (King George) alone. French has him crammed to the eyes with the latest 'news from Ulster', guns, rifles, ammunition, drilling, signalling...' and he aspires vainly '...to stem the torrent of hearsay...the fact that we did not see our way to cut Ireland in two...'. Birrell is clearly appalled at French's reporting to the King.

On August 1 1913 Margaret Pirrie, wife of Lord Pirrie, Chairman of Harland and Wolfe, writes to Birrell expressing worry about threats, summarising Pirrie's views; he himself is not worried about Home Rule, given that he employs 14,000. The extent of support for Liberal Home Rule among Ulster business leaders is an area needing attention. Quaker records, in Bessbrook and elsewhere, suggest, on preliminary inspection, that Home Rule support from business interests was far from insignificant, but this needs to be researched. I am conjecturing that JJ's position was far from unique, and perhaps merits 'tip of the iceberg' status. The subsequent melting of the metaphorical iceberg may be attributed to the reign of terror introduced by the Larne gun-running; people simply had to keep their heads down if they did not support the hard Orange position.

On August 11 1913 the King wrote to Asquith suggesting Partition; again on Sept 22 he wrote expressing concern at the threat of officers' disaffection (this would have been the first indications of what became known as the 'Curragh Mutiny').

Various attempts followed to resolve the matter politically; a memo from Prof Henry of Queens University, dated Nov 18 1913, pointed out that the 'volunteers' were landlords, retainers and dependents; in Saintfield, of 1600 Presbyterians only 10 had joined; there was said to be substantial liberal Home Rule support. This in the Asquith papers is a printed memo of uncertain origin with marginal scribbles. There must have been pamphleteering and leafleting going on, of which this was an example.

The Cabinet papers Dec 1913 propose a 'statutary Ulster' exact boundaries as yet undefined, to be excluded with right to form a parliament of their own. On Dec 27 Carson wrote personally to Asquith rejecting this. Carson and Asquith then met with the King, the latter taking Carson's side.

A note from Morley dated Jan 7 1914, marked 'secret': '...special plan for Ulster would not work...there is a strong Catholic minority, and the effect would be to reproduce in Ulster, with a reversal of the political conditions, the very antagonisms that you now hope to relieve...'.

There is a letter from Thomas Butler, and old Parnellite, who remembered O'Connell, echoing Southern Protestant opinion against Partition.

The stage was now well set for the Larne gun-running, which took place on April 25 1914, on the eve of the war, and with the Imperial General Staff worried about the Channel Tunnel (!). The telegrams are in the Asquith papers: '..50,000 rifles landed Donaghadee removed by 500 motor vehicles under guard on 800 UV (Ulster Volunteers). Myself and local constabulary on duty at pier all night also coastguards and custom officers no disturbances but a coastguard dropped dead believed of heart failure.'

Also: 'Larne 8.35 am; about 8 pm last night large body of Ulster Volunteers armed with truncheons about 800 mobilised at Larne under Sir William Adair and Major McCalmont MP; they drew a cordon round the harbour and allowed no-one to pass excapt a few on business, police and custom officers particularly excluded; signals from sea had been observed and large numbers of motor-cars arrived. Two steamers believed 'Mountjoy' and 'Milswater' discharged cargos of what appeared to be arms and ammunition which were conveyed away by motor cars...telephone and telegraph communication interrupted...'

Aberdeen: '...strongly advise immediate arrest of McCalmont and Adair...'

Birrell April 27: '...no difficulty in identifying leaders...consider advisability of proclaiming UVM a treasonable conspiracy...'. There was a subsequent exchange of messages in code between Asquith and Birrell which are on record, but not the decoded version.

The discussion then subsides to the level of '..conspiracy to obstruct the roads' and 'obstruct the customs officers in the course of their duties..'

What was in the coded exchange that must have persuaded Asquith to draw in on the 'treasonable conspiracy' approach? Why was the import of arms for the purpose of threatening civil war against the enactments of Parliament merely allowed to subside to the level of a 'customs' matter?

Redmond calls for moving in the military and patrolling the coast. On April 28 there was talk in the police reports of Maxim guns mounted on vehicles and purchase of field guns, reported by G Ross, C Division RIC, Belfast. A further report from WCF Redmond, A District: '...rumours that government propose to search for arms. Rifles are not distributed, but are held in the possession of responsible leaders...to ensure no unauthorised action... should any steps be taken to sieze arms, they will, I am informed, be fully distributed...and resistance prepared for...'

When the dust had settled, the King wrote to Asquith expressing pleasure that he had taken no action on the Larne events.

Some navigational notes:

Copyright Dr Roy Johnston 1998