Miss Mary McNeill in her account of the inception of the Irish Association for Cultural, Economic and Social Relations, has given us a fascinating insight into the early days of the Association and of its remarkable founder Major General Montgomery. It is significant that his father Hugh de Fellenburg Montgomery, a decided Unionist, played an important part in the foundation of the co-operative movement under Horace Plunkett some forty years previously. The word politics does not occur in the title of the Association but politics are often discussed at our meetings. Our strength consists in being prepared to give every view an airing while scrupulously avoiding actual political involvement. The role which the Association plays of bringing Irish men and women together is every bit as important now as it was in 1938.

Lewis W M Semple, President

Trevor T West, Past President

August l982

(The foregoing and following text has been scanned and edited for the Web from a copy of that which is in the Belfast Public Record Office. When editing it for screen display I have on occasion, where a paragraph is somewhat long, divided it into two or more, paying due respect to the sense. Where in the original there is an asterisk pointing to a footnote at the end of a page, I have substituted a number hot-linked to a footnote at the end of the document. RJ April 2000)

Mary McMeill's Memoir:

The Association was launched in 1938 by its originator, Major-General Hugh Montgomery, its sole object being the promotion of understanding and goodwill between all sections of Irish people, north and south of the Border.

In the North the parliament at Stormont had already been established by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920. In the South the acceptance of the 'Treaty' terms in 1921 had resulted in civil war and in the subsequent establishment, in 1923, of the Irish Free State, under the leadership of Mr TW Cosgrave, as an integral part of the British Commonwealth.

In 1932 Mr Cosgrave was defeated in a general election by Mr de Valera and the Fianna Fail party, thus bringing to power a definitely republican orientated government, likely to cut such ties as still bound the twenty-six counties to Britain. In 1933 the Oath of Allegiance was abolished, and when in 1937 de Valera produced a new constitution which claimed sovereignty over the whole of Ireland and recognised the 'special position' of the Catholic Church, the worst fears of the Protestant majority in Northern Ireland were intensified, and opinion became more intransigently Unionist.

It was against this background of increasing divergence of outlook that the Irish Association, with its emphasis on conciliation and goodwill, was conceived.

During these years small, relatively unimportant groups and many individuals had become deeply concerned lest conflicting political ideals in the now divided Ireland should deprive some of the people of what they believed to be the common cultural and economic heritage of all Irishmen, and fearful lest political discussion should be increasingly marred by bitter and unfair statements. If political borders became more formidable they must be assailed by a two-way traffic in friendship and co-operation, and, where possible, the wealth and prosperity of the island should be developed in the interests of the whole. This may sound unrealistic to-day but at that time the Free State was still a part of the British Commonwealth and it was hoped that within the framework of the Commonwealth this aim could be achieved.

One of these groups consisted of a number of students of Queen's University, among whom were Brian Toms, Frank Reid, Brian Spiller and (the late) James Scott. It was the intention of this group, with the support of The New Northman, the organ of the Literary and Scientific Society, to answer and refute statements likely to exacerbate divisions between the two communities in Northern Ireland and hostility in Ireland to the United Kingdom and the British Commonwealth, and to denounce conduct, political or other, likely to foment division. They also hoped to encourage in the Free State support for Frank MacDermot in his efforts to improve relations between the Free State and the United Kingdom.

At the close of 1936 the Literary and Scientific Society unanimously invited Frank MacDermot, then a member of the Dail, to speak at a meeting of the Society, and his challenging address on "The Future of Ulster" was reported verbatim in The New Northman. This event was referred to by Mr ES Murphy, KC, Unionist MP for Londonderry, at a Unionist meeting, when he declared that 'no one had any intention of paying heed to gentlemen of the Free State giving advice to students of Queen's University'.

In reply to this three members of the student group sent a letter to the Belfast News Letter, drawing attention to MacDermot's service in the British Army and to his public stand in Dublin for friendly relations between the Free State and Great Britain, and concluding with the observation that 'the study of (the) more constructive speeches, similar in tone to that of Mr MacDermot, from the leaders of all responsible political parties in Ireland, might bring about a clearer understanding of the real issues involved'.

At this stage the Vice-Chancellor pointed out that recent expressions of student opinion had generated some hostility to the University among those who had the power to help it financially, and urged them to consider whether the interests of their University would be better served by their following an independent line or by reticence on matters the open discussion of which was likely to alienate support for the University.

At the same time he expressly denied any intention to try to influence the trend of student opinion upon political matters or to discourage student support for, or opposition to, the pronouncements of politicians. As a result of this the students concerned were more careful to choose their words and guide their actions so as to avoid misrepresentation or the charge of irresponsibility, or the questioning of their Loyalty to Ireland, the United Kingdom and the British Commonwealth.

It was at this stage also that General Montgomery got in touch with the student group, congratulating them on their letter to The Belfast Newsletter, and suggesting that they should join the Unionist party, of which he has himself a member, and help him to influence the party towards conciliatory policies. The students felt unable to do this as they were reluctant to appear to condone political pronouncements likely to perpetuate and intensify sectarian division, but, as the diary of one of them relates:

"General Montgomery came to meet eight of us ... who are going to bring the golden age to Ireland. Actually we are all united in that we shall do our best to fight bitterness between Catholic and Protestant in Ulster and between Ulster and I.F.S."

While this was going on at Queen's another group, known as the Irish Christian Fellowship, was also concerning itself with the developing pattern of Irish politics, though from a rather different standpoint. This group, largely composed of ex-Student Christian Movement members, came into existence in 1915 mainly through the initiative of Bolton Waller, a Church of Ireland parson, and defined itself as 'a comradeship of Irish men and women who desire, as followers of Christ, to understand and express His spirit in relation to the whole of life'. Margery Cunningham, Kathleen Huggard, Mrs Beatrice Hamilton, the Rev Sinclair Stevenson, the Rev Professor JE Davey, Professor Wigham, Tom Finnigan, and the Hanson brothers(1), were among those associated with this group.

From time to time it arranged conferences on some topic of Irish concern, addressed by such speakers as Professor R. M. Henry, Kenneth Lindsay and Dr. Livingstone. In 1937 it issued a report of a conference held in Dublin entitled "Looking at Ireland", and about the same time some northern members, deeply distressed by the increasing barriers, due largely to ignorance, that separated Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, produced a short syllabus entitled "Good Neighbours', designed to encourage and assist teachers in Protestant schools who were prepared to tackle, in Religious Instruction classes, the thorny subject of better relations with Catholics.

We now come to General Montgomery.

Hugh Maude de Fellenburg Montgomery of Blessingbourne, Fivemiletown, Co. Tyrone, was a collateral descendant of the Rev George Montgomery, a brother of that Hugh Montgomery who, with James Hamilton, had been responsible at the close of the sixteenth century for the 'planting' of Co. Down.

By birth a lowland Scot, this George spent much of his early life in England at the court of James I, carrying news of Irish affairs from his brother in Ireland to the King. For this he was rewarded with the Deanery of Norwich and subsequently, with a view to his furthering the 'plantation' of western Ulster, with the sees of Derry and Clogher. Here his aim was to acquire as much as possible of the escheated lands for his dioceses. He did, however, spare a considerable portion of Co Fermanagh for his kinsman, Hugh. In course of time a descendant of this Hugh built Blessingbourne and married the youngest daughter of the Rev. The Hon John Charles Maude, rector of Enniskillen. Their eldest son was the founder of the Association.

I have intentionally stressed this 'Planter' background for it had a crucial influence on General Montgomery's outlook. All his life he carried with him the sense of conflict that the 'Plantation' - 'colonisation' in modern parlance - has bequeathed to Ulster, and the knowledge that he and his family were beneficiaries of that conflict. He made no secret of his acceptance of these two inheritances, the one of conflict the other of position and privilege. It is not too much to say that, when he settled at Blessingbourne on his retirement from the Army in 1925, his main activities were henceforward directed towards discharging what he felt to be a debt to his dispossessed Catholic countrymen.

At the same time there were the no less important obligations of position and privilege, of the Anglican tradition in Church and State in which he and his ancestors had been reared, together with the traditions of the British Army in which he had served with distinction. He was a staunch and active member of the Church of Ireland, and his unrelenting belief in the benefits to Ireland of the British connection led him to join the Unionist party. His father, one of the original members of the Senate in the Northern Ireland Parliament and later its 'Father', had been an enlightened and liberal landlord whose particular interest in education(2) had led him to build, along with Blessingbourne, the charming one-storey school that still, with a sadly unfortunate addition, serves the youthful population of the area.

Not unnaturally, therefore, it was to education, together with the Scout Movement, that the retired General addressed himself with enthusiasm, believing that understanding and friendship were the first essentials towards resolving political tensions. From the beginning his Scout troop contained both Catholic and Protestant boys, and it was General Montgomery's proud boast that the school at Fivemiletown was a glowing example of happy, successful non-segregated education.

Alas! it was in the field of education, and very early in his career at Fivemiletown, that he first crossed swords with the Unionist interest.

In his capacity as chairman of the education committee of the local council Montgomery nominated, in due course, as his vice-chairman, a Roman Catholic member of the council. Immediately another member, who was an official of the local Unionist association, proposed a resolution to exclude from office any member who declined to undertake to vote always for a Protestant nominee for any council appointment. It is only possible to mention very briefly the storm that ensued. 'No threats' wrote the General 'are going to prevent me from being good friends with my RC neighbours or from seeing that they get a measure of fair play', and he took the matter straight to Unionist headquarters.

For two years it dragged on, those at headquarters declaring that the personal opinions of their officials were beyond their control. In the end the word 'Unionist' was substituted for 'Protestant', in the resolution, and as Montgomery always hoped that the Unionist party would make itself acceptable to Catholics, he let the matter drop. That he should have been challenged in the field of education by an intransigent party official was bad enough, that he should have been denied all support from those at the top was ominous. Nevertheless, he persisted in his belief in what he maintained the Unionist party should stand for. Shortly afterwards there was a similar row over the appointment of a medical officer, but the ultimate break with Unionism was still some years distant. It came in consequence of Sir Basil Brooke's statement about a Protestant parliament for a Protestant people.

None of this, however, reached the correspondence columns of the Belfast press. What did reach them was a constant flow of letters from this persistent General denouncing every act of provocation and unreasonableness on the part of the majority, and, also, of the minority. One such letter appeared in The Belfast News Letter in December, 1931. It opened thus:

"Every loyal Orangeman knows that he should 'abstain from all uncharitable words, actions and sentiments towards his Roman Catholic brethren'. This being so might one who, though of Ulster stock, has not had the advantage of having been brought up in an exclusively Ulster atmosphere, inquire exactly what useful purpose is served, year after year, by the celebration with martial pomp and ceremony of the anniversaries of victories which took place in a civil war over two hundred years ago?

It comes as a surprise (he continues) to visitors from across the Channel where the victories of 1918 are celebrated merely by a two minute's silence once a year, and where all men are trying to forget the bitterness caused by four years of ceaseless strife, to find in the towns and villages of Ireland sober, respectable, elderly men parading the streets and beating drums on certain days of the year in memory of battles of a past age, fought against the ancestors of their next door neighbour, with whom on all other days of the year, and usually even on those days, they are on perfectly friendly terms...."

He concludes with this observation:

"The drum, as far as I can ascertain has always been an adjunct of fighting, and has been used in all ages to stir up warlike feelings. My suggestion is that the time has come for putting it quietly aside, and for developing the Orange Order on less belligerent lines; possibly on lines of Freemasonry from which it appears to have been originally copied."

The Editor of The Belfast News Letter felt obliged to add this note: 'The writer's views are, of course, his own, and must not be read as representing in any way the views of this newspaper'.

A week later there was the following from Montgomery:

"No self-respecting government will leave a single stone unturned in its efforts to secure the loyalty of all sections of its subjects; and the reputation of our present Unionist leaders in history will undoubtedly depend, not so much on their success in establishing law and order, an essential preliminary to all good government, as on whether they eventually succeed, or not, in uniting the two races and creeds under their charge into one loyal and contented whole."

Year after year the correspondence continued, Montgomery's sentiments being sometimes applauded but more often attacked. At last, in October 1937, he took up his pen to congratulate two correspondents on their reasonable approach to what The Belfast News Letter called an 'Irish settlement', ending his letter thus:

"I have often thought that a non-party association of men and women of goodwill drawn from both North and South and not committed to any definite plan might do a great deal to 'soften the bitterness'. Such an association or society, starting in a small way, working with tact as well as energy, and based on the Christian principles of peace and goodwill might, in due course, quite well create an atmosphere in which some of the larger problems would not seem so formidable after all. "

This was the lead for which the Irish Christian Fellowship had waited hopefully. I happened to be the Hon. Secretary, and immediately I was instructed to write to General Montgomery saying that we would greatly value an opportunity to discuss with him any ways in which we might help. A copy of "Good Neighbours" was enclosed. He came to Belfast, met the committee and it was only then that we learned of the student group at Queen's and of his contact with them. We got in touch with Frank Reid and Brian Spiller and in the beginning of 1938 they and I were invited to Blessingbourne with the ideal of the Irish Association firmly in our minds; in fact the date for the inaugural meeting was already fixed for March 14th !

In addition to a continuous correspondence in the press General Montgomery maintained over the years an extensive correspondence on the subject of Irish affairs with ail sorts of people within the Province, lay and clerical, Catholic and Protestant, Unionist and Nationalist, and with influential people farther afield. The answers have all been kept and constitute an impressive file. Most of the writers expressed pious hope that an harmonious settlement could somehow be achieved, generally putting the blame for discord on the minority. Some were more openly uncompromising, while one or two suggested an association or league of those who were prepared to use their influence in the cause of goodwill. There was little suggestion of trying to see the other person's point of view, and this was Montgomery's constant theme: he maintained that the minority had legitimate grounds for complaint. The production of "Good Neighbours" had appealed to him as a practical effort to appreciate this other point of view.

At bottom his concern for goodwill and fair treatment was based on a sincerely Christian view of life. This was rarely mentioned but was crystal clear to the observer. At any rate he took "Good Neighbours" in hand, copies were submitted to a wide section of people, errors or ill-phrased statements were corrected in a second edition which, if I remember correctly, he financed himself. We had no means of ascertaining to what extent the syllabus was actually used, but it was condemned, so to speak, from the Orange alter by no less a person than. the then Grand Master. It must also be said that some Protestant clergy expressed the fear that more friendly relations would lead to the dreaded mixed marriages.

The date for the inaugural meeting of the proposed association may have been hopefully fixed, but alas! very soon the pace slowed up, the more people who became involved the more did consultation and discussion become necessary. In the first place General Montgomery was anxious to obtain Frank MacDermot's support, not only for his own sake but because he was a southern Catholic.

Both men were ardent believers in the Commonwealth connection, hoping that the ultimate solution of the Irish problem would be found within its embrace. MacDermot was favourable to the idea of the proposed association and agreed to be connected with it. Whatever political ideas Montgomery or MacDermot or any other supporter might have, everyone was adamant that the association must be entirely non-political, there was to be no suggestion of its advocating constitutional change, all effort was to be directed towards goodwill and understanding. Montgomery, at that time, did not envisage withdrawing from the Unionist party.

Lord Charlemont was the next important figure. For some years he and Montgomery had carried on a private correspondence chiefly concerned with the Northern Ireland political situation, this they had both enjoyed. Charlemont brought to every topic, serious or otherwise, an engaging lightness of touch, and his sense of humour kept the activities of Stormont in some sort of perspective. He was a convinced Unionist but he saw no reason why the relations between Northern Ireland and the Free State should not be friendly and at times co-operative. He had retired from his position as Minister for Education in 1937 but naturally felt himself bound by a sense of loyalty to his former colleagues. Montgomery considered that Charlemont's influence with moderate Unionists would be considerable.

Meanwhile Frank MacDermot was feeling isolated as the only Southerner in the ranks and suggested that John J Horgan of Cork should be asked to join, an invitation that was accepted with alacrity. Horgan was, I imagine, the most widely experienced of the original promoters. A Home Ruler of the Redmond vintage, he was a regular contributor to The Round Table, and a person of great breadth of outlook.

The students also had been busy. A meeting addressed by Frank MacDermot on the Irish situation was held in Trinity College, Dublin, and William Beers of the Historical Society had been secured as secretary of the Dublin end of the still unborn association.

A number of hopeful supporters from Belfast and neighbourhood had been meeting as a sort of ad hoc committee. This group included Frank Reid, Brian Spiller, Mr and Mrs John Douglas of the Friends' School, Lisburn, Miss Florence Greeves, Mr Shinner, Canon Brown from Newtownards, Rev. Gerald Myles and Major GN Proctor from Dungannon. Major Proctor had recently fought an election in Co. Armagh as an Independent Unionist and had been defeated. This group was already preparing a leaflet setting out the aims of the proposed association. Briefly, they were these:

To further better relations between

(a) Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland.
(b) the people of Northern Ireland and Irish Free State.
(c) the people of Great Britain and Ireland.

Discussions now centred round points raised by the late Cyril Nicholson of Derry and Belfast. Nicholson was greatly perturbed by the general trend of politics in the Free State and in Northern Ireland, but it was the growing animosity between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, and the mutual distrust that in many instances was being encouraged by persons, lay and clerical, on both sides, that caused him the most distress.

In his view this was the most urgent problem and any move to promote goodwill between the Free State and Northern Ireland would only exacerbate resentment in the North against Catholics and would indeed be used to that end. Nicholson strongly pressed that the association should concern itself only with the Northern problem. Reid and Spiller were inclined to agree with him, at any rate for a start, but such a division of purpose was totally unacceptable to General Montgomery, in his opinion 'the drawing together of the two Governments . . . . is essential to a permanent solution of the Irish question'. He confirmed this view in letters written after one of these ad hoc committee meetings in Belfast:

"The talk last night confirms my opinion that a glance into the past is the right line for me to take: there is an almost complete absence of motive at present, other than a mild form of altruism, to push the movement for better relations forward. To my mind before we can tackle the question seriously there must be some element of remorse for the sins committed by our forefathers - sins by which many of us are still benefiting - against the ancestors of our R.C neighbours."

Having written all that he went back to Fivemiletown to think things over, and in two or three days wrote again re Nicholson's attitude:

"If Daniel had lost his nerve before he went into the pit the end of the story would have been different..."

And again:

"By all means concentrate first on relations in Ulster - that is a matter of method - but I won't agree to drop 'B' out of our aims if I stay in the movement...."

And again:

"If you like to form an 'Ulster Association' to deal with Protestants and Roman Catholics in Ulster...... I shall be very glad to join as a member and will do all I can to assist. But I won't act as President to any Association which is not prepared to regard it as one of its aims to work for better relations between 'North and South' though I don't insist on those words...".

This discussion was fundamental. Clause 'B' necessitated contact with Dublin, and however nebulous contact may at times have been that it should have been definitely included in the 'Aims'was a distinguishing feature of the Irish Association. Over the years the contact has developed, sometimes quite dramatically, and has insured for the Association an unique place in this country.

We were not yet ready for the inaugural meeting. General Montgomery was obliged to go to England for a couple of months and the future of the Association was left to simmer. On his return his views had not changed:

"I am against Partition (he wrote)..... The idea that Dev. would ever make an announcement that he had abandoned his wish for Unity seems to me to be childish .... It seems to me that (Nicholson's) ambition is not to solve the Irish question, but merely to get fair play for his fellow R.C.s in Ulster on a 'partition' basis. That would not satisfy me at all, and I don't believe it is practicable...".

This dilemma continues to confront the Association - recognition on the one hand that any suggested change in the constitutional position of Northern Ireland would jeopardise support for the Association in the North, on the other hand the conviction that until the constitutional problem is resolved no amount of goodwill will be effective.

Meanwhile, in 1937, as has been mentioned, de Valera introduced a new Constitution. This document included the territorial claim to the thirty-two counties, omitted all reference to the Crown though the Free State remained a member of the Commonwealth, and recognised the 'special position' of the Catholic Church. In 1938 the British government concluded a favourable trade agreement with the Dublin government, and in that year surrendered its rights to the use of naval and military bases in the Free State. It was certainly a difficult moment to press for a more friendly attitude from an exceedingly apprehensive Northern Ireland.

Nevertheless, in June 1938 the ad hoc group met in Belfast and unanimously adopted the resolution:

"that a non-party Irish Association be founded for the purpose of promoting co-operation and mutual goodwill between all sections of the community."

It was agreed that, for the present, the general title of 'An Irish association' would suffice - nothing so definite as 'The' was claimed, and association had a small 'a'.

Thereafter the records are to be found in Minute Books and this sketch of subsequent developments will be brief. Lord Charlemont agreed to act as President and suggested Frank MacDermot (now Senator) and General Sir Hubert Gough as Vice-Presidents, along with John J. Horgan and General Sir George Franks, the latter chosen because of his influence with Southern Protestants. General Montgomery became Hon Treasurer and I was appointed Hon. Secretary of the Northern committee.

A meeting of Dublin supporters was held and amongst those present were Senator Frank MacDermot, Senator Rowlette, Wm. Beers, Margery Cunningham. Kathleen Huggard and Alister McCabe. Wm Beers became the Secretary of the Southern Committee.

It was agreed to launch the Association in Belfast on December 14th, 1938, but violent speeches at the Fianna Fail party congress caused the committee to postpone this event till January 4th. However, by some devious method, the Belfast Telegraph got hold of the earlier date and of a proof copy of the Aims, and nothing would restrain them from publicising the scoop on December 23rd.

Unfortunately on that same day thirty-four I.R.A. men were arrested in Belfast - an inauspicious prelude to the dispatch by post of the 400 copies of Aim.

In June 1939 two somewhat pretentious inaugural meetings were held, the one in the Carlton Restaurant, Belfast, and the other in the Shelbourne Hotel in Dublin. Lord Charlemont was prevented by illness from presiding in Belfast and his place was taken by General Montgomery. John J. Horgan from Cork, and Donal O'Sullivan from Dublin were the principal speakers and Fr. O'Hare from Newry received a warm welcome.

Lord Charlemont presided at the Dublin meeting a few days later but already the shadow of the Second World War was looming closer. In September war was declared and, as far as the young association was concerned, the situation was worsened by the decision of the Dublin government to remain neutral. All hopes of increasing intercourse between North and South were almost instantly blighted.

A joint weekend tour of the Boyne Valley, already arranged had to be cancelled. Petrol rationing and blackout regulations made public meetings impossible. Very shortly most of the student group with whom General Montgomery had conferred were serving with the British Armed Forces. The committee decided that a Bulletin, carrying relevant news from North and South and issued as frequently as possible, would be the most effective means of maintaining such contacts as had already been established.

In May 1940 Senator Frank MacDermot resigned. A committee meeting held in June discussed the manner in which the Ulster Volunteer Defence Force was being raised, 'members regretted that the 'B' Special Constabulary was to be the basis of the new organisation and that more effort had not been made to enlist the support of the minority'.

In the increasing gloom one bright incident occurred - the unsolicited dash to Belfast of the Dublin Fire Brigade on the night of the first air raid on the city in 1941. In its note of gratitude the Bulletin remarked that 'the underlying sense of kinship between all Irish people surged to the top', and went on to record the generosity with Which refugees from Belfast had been received in the Free State.

With the coming of peace meetings revived in both North and South, they were reported in the Bulletin and several pamphlets were issued. The Southern Committee became interested in the Irish Commonwealth Association a London based enterprise. This aroused underlying political hopes, and though he protested against the Irish Association being drawn into any kind of political manoeuvre, Lord Charlemont agreed to ascertain the attitude of the Stormont Government to a Council of Ireland, but upon further consideration he felt unable to do this. In 1946 he resigned. He was succeeded as President by Senator Professor Johnston, SFTCD.

A move of some importance centred round the National Planning Exhibition at that time being then arranged in Dublin. The Irish Association felt that this should be an all-Ireland concern and that such bodies as the Northern Ireland Rural Development Council, the Ulster Planning Group, the Tourist Association, Young Farmers' Clubs and Women's Institutes should be encouraged to co-operate with their opposite numbers in the Free State. Some preliminary work was done and the Vice-Chancellor of Queen's University, in his capacity as Chairman of the Northern Ireland Advisory Planning Board, was approached. In his view, however, any collaboration with the Irish Association would savour of politics and he would not agree to the proposal.

In 1948 a general election in the Free State returned Mr Costello's government to power. With, as Northern members felt, the republican influence in abeyance, and an ostensibly pro-Treaty man in control, hopes of improved relations quickly rose, but little did any of us know what was in store. While on a visit to Canada, Mr Costello made the dramatic announcement that his government intended to sever all constitutional links with the Commonwealth and to establish a republic. Well might the Irish Association have faltered!

On a different level there were other signs of change. Age takes its toll of us all, and it was evident that General Montgomery was no longer able to give the Association his tireless, unremitting thought and attention. Travelling to Belfast from Fivemiletown was becoming wearisome, and the attacks of bronchitis were more frequent. I believe, too, that with Mr Costello's decision General Montgomery felt the time had come for others to carry on the task which, for upwards of twenty years, had been his chief concern. From now onwards he rarely came to Belfast. Major Proctor was appointed Vice-Chairman of the Northern Committee and for the next five or six years it was he who, with great tenacity, held the Association together.

In Dublin there was a new wave of interest, sponsored largely by Miss Louie Bennett and Mrs. Sybil le Brocquy. In Belfast, Mrs Irene Calvert, then Independent MP for Queen's University at Stormont, joined the ranks. There were prolonged discussions about the future of the Association, some people believed it had served its purpose, but a meeting of Northern members agreed that the time for dissolution had not yet come. Irene Calvert was amongst those most emphatically in favour of continuing.

She had, meantime, resigned her seat in parliament, and had accepted a post in the Ulster Weaving Company of which Sir Graham Larmor was a director. She now undertook the position of Hon. Secretary of the Northern Committee and shortly prevailed upon Sir Graham to become Chairman. (He later became President of the Association). From that moment a new epoch in the life of the Irish Association began, an epoch of growth, success and influence which has been carried on by their successors to the present day.

I would like to add two observations:

1. This account, of necessity, emphasises the Northern angle. I understand the progress of the Association in the South is being recorded(3).

2. Political unrest in Northern Ireland, in its all-too-frequent manifestations, has followed a sadly similar pattern. While in the past ten years the degree of violence has increased the underlying causes of sectional mistrust and hatred are the same. Catholics and Protestants remain divided into two hostile camps, perhaps now more rigidly than ever. Nevertheless, there is one remarkable and hopeful difference, namely the greatly increased intercourse that now exists across the line of division, most especially in the field of religion. To-day, in Northern Ireland more Protestants know more about the beliefs and aspirations of Roman Catholics than formerly, in fact know more Roman Catholic people. I believe the same can be said on the Catholic side. In this the Irish Association has played its part, but we must also thank the ecumenical movement and courageous church leaders on both sides.

Donal Barrington who, as President of the Association, chaired the meeting at which this account was given, said in his concluding remarks that the task of the Irish Association is to bring people together - Northerns and Southerns, Catholic and Protestant. He would leave, he said, the practical outcome of that intercourse to the mutual trust and confidence which, he believed, the coming together would inspire. In this he was but reiterating the aspirations of the founder of the Association for a community enriched by the co-operation of two powerful element in our heritage.

Notes

2. His mother was a daughter of Philip Emmanuel de Fellenburg, the eminent Swiss educationalist.

3. I have not yet discovered where this document is. If and when it is discovered, it can be edited into the Irish Association archive. RJ April 2000)