Documentation supportive of actual political activity by JJ in the 1920s is thin on the ground; the Barrington lectures were one outlet, but due to the Civil War and its aftermath, they were initially confined to Dublin, where they attracted support from the trade unions; Tom Johnson, leader of the Labour Party, on occasions presided. Later in the decade he brough them round the country, making use of the Carnegie Library network, and later the Vocational Education Committees, when the library system was brought in under local government.

He does seem to have had some role in connection with the Boundary Commission, and he remained friendly with Kevin O'Shiel, the Secretary and author of the Report, during the 30s and 40s; I remember several social occasions in the 30s, viewed from below, as a child. He kept among his papers some cuttings relating to the Boundary Commission, from 1924, and his copy of the Report is annotated. There is also a map of the Ulster and the six counties, with the distribution of electoral majorities by parish marked in. This appears to be a draft or earlier version of the map given on p83 of Kevin O'Shiel's Handbook of the Ulster Question, as the style is similar, though the representation is different. When JJ moved out of his College rooms in 1971 I recollect seeing notebooks with 1922-3 Border economic data written in them, in JJ's writing. He must have been involved in the field work. These notebooks alas have gone astray.

He must have been in touch with Erskine Childers, since the time when the latter was Secretary of the 1917 Convention. There is a letter from Childers dated August 11 1921, apologising for his Bulletin not having reached JJ. This was in the lead-up to the Civil War, when Childers became PRO for the anti-Treaty movement.

During the Civil War JJ seems to have done his best to be supportive of the Free State Government. There is among his papers a letter from Robert N Tweedy (whom we have met in the context of JJ's co-operative work; he was a delegate to the 1914 Co-operative Union meeting in Dublin) dated April 10 1922, on Department of Labour paper, thanking JJ for offering to produce a memorandum in the context to Tweedy's work on the Canal Commission.

There is among his papers a letter from one 'Tom' dated 12/07/22 in which the writer asked JJ for advice about how to get a permit from the Free State to travel to various places, and to carry arms for defensive purposes only. JJ must have delivered, because there is a further letter thanking JJ, and praising him as '..a comforting connection to the Northcliffe press..'. So it seems JJ must have been known and valued as a reliable journalistic contact-point as well as a correspondent.

He must have written a letter of condolence on the occasion of the death of Michael Collins; there is a letter thanking him from Micheal O h-Aodha, dated August 21 1922, from the Department of Education, on behalf of his colleagues in Government.

He kept a letter from Dermot MacManus, written frm Limerick and dated January 23 1923, in which the latter declared the intention of resigning from the Army '...if I can find a decent civilian job somewhere. The fight is nearing an end now, at last, and I feel I can leave without being unpatriotic..'. He wanted advice about books to buy, in the general direction of banking and accountancy, where presumably he felt he might pick something up. He is aware of JJ's work on the agricultural commission, and asks how is it going.

According to Padraic O'Farrell's Who's Who (Lilliput, Dublin, 1997). p175, MacManus '...was in the early actions at Templemore and against the Four Courts... involved in negotiations and operations in Athlone, Clare and particularly Limerick... Commanded two vessels for a successful sea-borne landing at Kenmare August 11 1922... later Provost Marshall Southern Command, and Deputy Governor of Mountjoy...'.

He also kept a personal letter from Cáit Bean Ui Caillaigh, dated October 30 1923, seeking support for the campaign for the release of the prisoners, in the context of the mass hunger-strike then in progress. Normally JJ if he answered letters wrote 'ans (date)' in the top left-hand corner. There is no such annotation in this case. He was totally supportive of the Free State and viewed the 'anti-treaty' armed campaign with total hostility and incomprehension.

This is the context of the Pierrepoint letters which occur among JJ's papers; he must have got copies from Dermot MacManus during or perhaps after his period as Deputy Governor of Mountjoy Prison. There is a series, dated 16/11/23, 20/11/23, 26/11/23, 3/12/23, 12/02/24. They relate to several executions, in Dublin, Offaly and Roscommon, which took place around then, and he was concerned to get his expenses, and with the fact that the Governor JP McGovern was remiss about answering his letters and telegrams. He preferred dealing with MacManus, whom he '...found to be a Gentleman..'. I have no idea why these letters were in JJ's possession, unless MacManus, who remained close to JJ about a decade subsequently, had kept them as a grim reminder of his Mountjoy period, and passed them over to JJ, as curiosities. The language is respectful to the point of obsequiousness; they are beautifully hand-written, and all end with 'your obedient servant'. He is concerned for his safety when in Dublin, and manages to remain incognito, even on the Holyhead boat, where he felt people might be on the lookout for him.

The fact that JJ had been invited to join the 1922-24 Agricultural Commission, along with the foregoing, indicates that he must have become well known politically to the new Free State Government, and in good standing with them. There is among his papers a letter of thanks, dated June 12 1924, from P Hogan the Minister of Agriculture. There is also an earlier letter, dated December 13 1923, thanking JJ for sending him a copy of his book. This must have been the 'Agricultural Production in France' book, published in 1917, arising out of his Albert Kahn Fellowship, in which he promoted agricultural co-operations. He subsequently served on the 1926 Prices Tribunal, to which he contributed a substantive addendum, making the case for a National Economic Council.

In Trinity College he supported the TCD Gaelic Society, where his name appears among the vice-Presidents along with Goligher, Walter Starkie, Rudmose-Brown and Douglas Hyde, who later became President of Ireland under de Valera's 1937 Constitution.

There are indications in the Garnier correspondence that he continued to promote Irish interests in France via his Albert Kahn Foundation contacts.

The 1923 Manchester Guardian articles

April 12 1923: The Editor introduces the author of the articles as '...the special correspondent whose articles analysing the position in India last year is now visiting Ireland on a similar mission of enquiry. He enjoys the advantage of being an Irishman with many connections and contacts within Ireland.'

(I have not tracked down the earlier India articles, no date being given; if I can do this, it will help clinch the identity of the author. There is however a reference during 1923 in the Albert Kahn archive to articles on Ireland by JJ in the Manchester Guardian, though the date is vague. I suspect that the previous year's India articles are based on his Albert Kahn report, augmented and updated by subsequent correspondence with his brothers William, John and James. RJ November 2000.)

In this first article of the series JJ believes that '...there is little solidity behind the resistance to the Free State..' but goes on to try to explain why the Government had found it so hard to restore order, interviewing Republican supporters. It is difficult to organise the townspeople in self defence; they prefer to keep quiet and stay neutral. The Government depends totally on the Army, which is inexperienced and ill-disciplined. There are plenty of trained officers around, but the government is slow to take them on; too many British ex-officers would give the Republicans a propaganda point.

There are 100,000 men around who have been unable to emigrate for the past 8 years (post-famine emigration was embedded in the cultural tradition and had become the norm, remaining so right up to the 1960s. RJ). Republican support is young unemployed, farmers sons etc. But on top of this, professional men are witholding tax, agricultural labourers aspire to own land. Farmers witholding annuities worry about law enforcement regarding arears.

April 13 1923: He interviewed a group of six hard-core Republicans; regarding the election, they held that there was never a majority for the Free State vs the Republic, only a majority for the FS vs war. They would not feel bound by plebiscite unless the threat of war was removed.

He quotes a source: '...the materialist majority are sheep who must be driven by the minority of energetic idealists..'.

April 14 1923: there is a report from 'our special correspondent' on the Free State budget, which runs at an expenditure of £30M, at a deficit of £2.3M. Continuing the 'inquiry' series, the author, who I assume was JJ, tried to find out what the 'republic' concept meant; most Free Staters see the Free State as the 'stepping-stone' to the Republic. Some fear that a Republic now would mean civil war in the North. The majority would have voted for the Republic were it not for the threat of war. But now that civil war has begun, perhaps not; the 'republic' concept is now in disrepute.

The strong farmers had been the backbone of the war of independence, and it was the threat of conscription that had activated them. These however are now solidly Free Staters. 'The uncompromising republican idealists are drawn from the ranks of the intellectuals: professors, civil servants, teachers, young priests and women of leisure. These can't make successful war without the support of the farmers.'

April 17 1923: The author describes conditions in 'regular' country (there are 3 parts: regular, irregular and Ulster). There are guards at railway stations; trains are sometimes attacked. Labourers will quietly expand their half-acre to one acre by extending their fencing. Strong farmers do land deals with landlords, but can't agree on how to divide. The Land Bank refuses to help because they give priority to landless men. Law is beginning to exist, even for landlords. The unarmed Civic Guards are active.

April 18 1923: The author spent time in Limerick, where the Free State troops were said to be 'the most effective in Ireland'; average age of officers was 21, generals 30; there was said to be no looting or bullying. Experience of republicans was bad; there was much looting. However the Guards were becoming effective, and had established the ability to arrest without arms.

I suspect that JJ's contact with Dermot MacManus might be relevant here, and this trail may be worth following. MacManus had written to JJ from Limerick earlier in the year, and even if demobilised would have been in a postion to help with introductions and contacts. RJ November 2000.)

He picked up some lore about de Valera in Tralee; a big crowd came to hear him; he asked them to vote for the Republic, and they all put their hands up. Dev went away thinking he had the people behind thim and started the war. But the people had only come out of curiosity, and the felt that would get into trouble if they didn't put up their hands. 'That was the beginning of the irregularity'.

April 19 1923: In Tralee he picked up a picture of 'irregular' mountain country. The Free State was in Cork and in Tralee and in the coastal towns. Stack was the political leader and much respected; Humphrey Murphy the military leader. It was impossible for the Free State to take over, due to lack of material and inexperience. The war here could drag on for the summer.

April 21 1923: JJ tries to analyse the thinking of the 'idealists'; the concept of culture is somewhat vague: '..one man cited the co-operative movement as an example of the way the Protestant aristocracy, even at its best, has never been anything but a fallacious guide endeavouring to persuade people to substitute material ends for the spiritual ideal of independence..'. There was no clear idea how Europe should relate to tropical countries.. no idea of socialism... some talk of 'co-operative commonwealth'; '..the small-nation system will put an end to the sins of imperialism, capitalism and militarism..'.

He evaluated them individually as being humble-minded, but 'as a class their conceit is astounding..'; '..the utmost concession...to democracy is to agree to be bound by the decisions of the nation in its best moments. But they themselves are to decide which are the nation's best moments.'

'...I am sure they can't be induced to drop their opposition to the Free State... they are as ruthless as any bureaucracy or autocracy... if only they could be persuaded to marry and to have children!..'.

April 23 1923: He recounts some anecdotal travel episodes in Wexford, Waterford and Carlow. He stayed in a big house rented by a teacher and a Presbyterian Minister, near Kilkenny; Redmond supporters. He met a gardiner who was out of work, and as a consequence somewhat blind to the patriotic virtues of burning country houses. He took a dim view of the type of pub-talk patriots who were being recruited to the Guards, and given land.

April 24 1923: There was a general desire to get back to work. It should be possible to establish a dead meat industry, and other industries subsidiary to agriculture, putting the money to work that was currently lying idle in the banks. No-one will venture money while there is danger of explosions etc. The Republican hope that the executions will bring people to their side is misplaced. Most 'irregularity' now is just criminal. A barracks was burned in Kilkenny because Guards interfered with salmon poaching.

May 2 1923: This final article, after an interval, was introduced again by the Editor as being 'by the author of last year's analysis of the situation in India'. It was basically an overview of the land problem: 'Irish Land Purchase: the Problem that Remains to be Solved'. He summarised the rest of the issues thus: '...the Ulster problem, the Labour problem, the demobilisation of 50,000 men, 2000 irregulars on the run, 15,000 republican prisoners, splitting the grass ranches and completing the land purchase..'.

Of the available land, 3/4 had been bought, and 1/4 remained unsold, with the landlords having the right to the rent. There was a breakdown in the arrangement with the British government, but the latter would guarantee interest on a Free State loan to enable purchase, the estimated amount being £40M. Rent strikes had been going for 2 years; a conference of landlords and tenants had broken up; tenants who paid up were obliged to conceal this 'immoral act' from their neighbours.

The old annuity was 25% less than the rent; now the demand was 40%. Most had been ready to settle under the Wyndham Acts, but the Government then would not pay up, and they had been paying the old rents this past 15 years. But the farmers had made big money during the war, and the banks were full of deposits. The landlords had the problem of surviving on declining income. There is no case for giving more than under Wyndham. In Northern Ireland rents had been paid all along; in the Free State they had taken advantage of the lack of law. Most estates are mortgaged, and owners would find themselves with zero income. Yet the State is supposed to stand over property rights.

(On the whole the foregoing seems to be consistent with what we know about JJ's concerns, though he was apparently unable to bring out the arguments for converting estates into managed co-operative units; this he must have had in mind, and one can detect a desire to keep the estates intact and solvent as going concerns, for future productive transformation. The travelling also took place during the Easter vacation. RJ November 2000.)

The TABI Conference

This was addressed among others by Lionel Smith-Gordon, from the standpoint of the co-operative movement, and by the Ulster Liberal Professor RM Henry, who had participated in the group who went to Asquith adter the Ballymoney Liberal rally of November 1913, in the hopes of stemming the tide of the Tory-Orange conspiracy which led to the April 1914 Larne gun-running.

JJ almost certainly was there, as he was at the time cultivating the Protestant constituency for the coming Seanad elections. He was also familiar with, and possibly active in, Christian socialist circles, in a process of transition from his Presbyterian background. Among the books and pamphlets which he retained when he gave up his TCD room in 1971 was a series of pamphlets by Saville Hicks, the Unitarian preacher, whose church in St Stephen's Green was a focus for advanced Christian thinking. There date from the period 1918 to 1926, and cover topics like 'Innovation', 'Live and Let Live'; there was one commemorating Joseph Wilson, an early Unitarian, who had fought in the American War of Independence, become an aide to George Washington, and ended up as the first US Consul in Dublin.

Kevin O'Higgins

There is a subsequent letter from the Minister for Agriculture P Hogan thanking JJ for his letter of sympathy on the occasion of the murder of Kevin O'Higgins. The letter is addressed to JJ at the AK Foundation in Paris, and had been re-directed to 20 Waltham Terrace, where JJ then lived, JJ must have heard of the O'Higgins assassination when in Paris, on his Rockefeller project, and written from there.

Some navigational notes:

Copyright Dr Roy Johnston 2003