Greaves in the 1950s
I give here some highlights from my abstract of the 1950s Greaves diaries. They cover his period living in Corraun (which is the peninsula next to Achill, to the south), his ongoing contacts with the present writer, Justin Keating, Cathal MacLiam and others in Ireland, the developing East European scene including the Hungarian crisis, and his attempts to keep alive his network of Irish Marxist contacts despite it, the Connolly Association leftist crisis, the unemployed movement in Ireland, and aspects of his Connolly researches. The decade concludes with Anthony Coughlan taking up a full-time job with the Connolly Association, and the present writer's emigration to London.
Volume 10
This volume of the Greaves journal is undated and reads like a retrospective account of his stay in a cottage in Curraun, which is the peninsula next to Achill, to the south. The journal was written up without dates. Internal evidence dates it to the spring of 1951.
I remember at the time picking up that it was his intention to isolate himself with the notes of his previous researches, with a view to drafting his book on the life and times of James Connolly. The Workers League had been set up, and it is possible that CDG was considering setting up in Ireland for good, to help build it up, and this was an exploratory visit. I distinctly recollect it being said, also, that he wanted to have residential status in Ireland so as to be able to participate in IWL events should the need arise. Cathal MacLiam additionally is of the opinion that this period in Ireland was used to help him fend off any attack on him as an 'Englishman' when speaking from Connolly Association platforms. He picked up much first-hand knowledge and insight into life in Ireland.
This volume of the Journal however indicates that he drew back from this step, in the end regarding the stay in Curraun as an extended vacation, time for reflection, and getting the measure of the size of the Connolly project, which did not mature until almost a decade later. There is little explicit politics, but many acute observations of life in the West of Ireland; this, I surmise, must have reinforced his growing belief that the simplistic 'class struggle' formulations of the CP in Britain were quite remote from the Irish reality.
The latter part of the journal lapses into pencil; he must have written up the whole thing, perhaps at one sitting, in Corraun, shortly before he left, and run out of ink. He concludes with the return to London: '...in the country of ill-temper, strain, food-poisoning, noise, snobs, degradation, decay...'.
It looks as if he was attempting to make his Curraun experience into something publishable, along the lines of his 1946 cycle tour of the West. It does not, to my mind, count as a 'political journal', though it has political insights. He must have reflected on the experience of having helped to found the IWL, come to the conclusion that it was unlikely to have a serious influence on the development of Irish politics, and come away with a deeper feel for the scale of the problem.
Volume 11
CDG takes up the journal again in November 1953, with Volume 11, which continues intermittently until August 1956. Key contacts during this time, apart from the present writer, were Justin Keating, Justin's mother May, Paul O'Higgins (then in his second period as a student, this time having abandoned medicine he studied law, and did well), David Jenkinson and others, the remains of the Promethean Society student group of the late 40s. In the background the Connolly Association was struggling to free itself from the dead hand of those of its own members who were ultra-leftist and perceived themselves as exercising control on behalf of the British Communist Party. This situation was eventually resolved when the CA adopted its new Constitution in 1955.
For example, on December 2 1953 on returning to London from a visit with Paul O'Higgins CDG had to deal with a situation where Flann Campbell in his absence had produced an Irish Democrat with Stalin on the front page: '...Flann has made a terrible mess of the December issue...'. I remember this; it was a prime example of how some CP members in the CA imposed their perception of the CPGB ethos on the Irish movement via the CA which they thought they owned, and CDG had to fight this all the time. According to MacLiam, the CA members refused to sell the paper, and stocks were piled high. He recollects refusing a request from the Catholic Standard for a copy of this issue, on grounds that it was sold out!
The first half of 1954 includes mentions of Justin Keating and Cathal MacLiam, addressing a debating society in Nottingham on the Partition of Ireland, Leslie Daiken and the London scene, and the emergence of a leftist element, which had joined the CPGB and retained links with the Irish Workers' League, disrupting the Connolly Association North London Branch. There is then a long gap until in July 1954 Cathal MacLiam went back to Dublin, where he worked as a gardener for May Keating, to avoid conscription, returning later to Glasgow under an assumed name (CMacL). There are echoes in CDG's Journal of the Catholic Standard and its McCarthyite witch-hunt of suspected Dublin communists, personalised and with addresses, including the present writer. They complained about the likes of me studying cosmic rays at public expense. (I was actually quite unaware of this at the time, as regards myself, but was aware of it in the cases of others.)
There is a further long gap until March 1956 when CDG recorded Cathal MacLiam marrying Helga (the event had actually taken place on July 2 1955). On April 17 he went to Waterford with his bicycle; in Cork he met Jim Regan, Norman Letchford, Cal O'Herlihy; then on up to Dublin; he stayed with Justin Keating, the present writer it seems being in Kerry, on vacation in a cottage owned by my sister. After a further London entry on July 17 this volume ceases.
Volume 12
CDG took up his journal again in September 1956, when staying in the present writer's then house on Beach Road Sandymount. He had come over again on the trail of Connolly contacts. It is for his biographer to elaborate on this. In what follows I note any points which seem to me to help with understanding the development of the Left in Ireland in the 'black 50s', and its relationship with the Left in Britain.
He enlisted my help to try to get a job for Cathal MacLiam, who had become proficient as an electronics technician, having served his time with JD Bernal's physics laboratory, building on his earlier University College Galway experience. The political background was one of total resistance on the part of the Irish Workers' League (IWL) to give any consideration whatever to the importance of Partition in holding back the economic and political development of the country. Justin Keating, who had returned to Dublin from London with this on his agenda, they had frozen out, MacLiam likewise.
IWL emigrants were behind the ultra-leftist disruption of the Connolly Association, '...making their attacks largely in order to avoid the necessity of doing anything..'. They were fortified by the presence of Neil Goold, an ultra-left activist with Donegal Ascendancy background of whom CDG gave a somewhat uncomplimentary biographical sketch; it seems that his '...wild exploits as a propagandist for the peculiarly inflexible brand of leftism he had evolved would fill a book... He lived in the slums to be "near the workers", wore old clothes, trousers tied with string....regarded Kruschev's denunciation of Stalin as a counter-revolution..'.
Later in 1956 CDG had an encounter with Peadar O'Donnell, who promoted the idea of disbanding the movement (ie the IWL and the CPNI) in Ireland and concentrating on a broad-based paper to be edited from Belfast. He also wanted to disband the CA and get the Irish simply to join trade unions. He had in mind Anthony Cronin, then with him on the Bell, as editor.
The meeting bristled with antagonism. CDG '..at this time regarded Peadar O'Donnell as Fianna Fail's unofficial voluntary ambassador at large..', he could '...feel the chill of his concealed antagonism. When he sat down he began "Things are bad in Eastern Europe. Face the fact. There was a revolution in those countries and the people did not make it." But this was not his subject. "I'm going to write a book Connolly in Irish History". I told him about mine and it was immediately apparent he already knew. He enquired about Connolly's birthplace, which regiment of the British Army he was in... a regular cross-examination..'.
Greaves and Hungary
Greaves had already begun to get the measure of the Eastern European scene in the context of the Cominform analysis of Yugoslavia, and the CBGB reaction to EP Thompson and the New Reasoner. On November 13 1956 CDG attended a Central London meeting of the Communist Party, on the topic of the invasion of Hungary by the USSR. The extent of the disaster was rapidly becoming apparent. The next day he discussed it with Pat Clancy, who was in despair: '...set us back generations.. war inevitable... little hope remains..' (according to MacLiam, Clancy was a born pessimist). The occasion was one of mass walk-out by Party intellectuals. Subsequent entries record build-up of anti-communist hysteria in Hyde Park. On the 20th CDG noted that Flann Campbell has resigned from the Party.
On November 29 1956 CDG arrived in Belfast, on a post-Hungary damage-limitation exercise, and was met by Jack Bennett, a Belfast progressive journalist working on the Belfast Telegraph and acting as Irish Democrat Belfast correspondent. There were mentions of Peadar O'Donnell and Anthony Cronin; the latter had been to Russia with an Irish group at Peadar's instigation, and had written it up for the Irish Times. The commentary in the CDG Journal touches on MacBride, Larkin, Sean Murray, the Linen Hall, Brendan Behan, Tom Johnson...
Then on December 2 he went to Dublin, where he encountered Cathal, Justin, the present writer, Nolan, O'Riordan, Jeffares, Mulready; there was much talk of the Eastern European scene; then he went round the country, meeting with groups in Waterford (Peter and Biddy O'Connor, Jim Duggan, Gabriel and Mrs Lalor) and Cork (Jim O'Regan, Cal O'Herlihy, Mrs O'Shea, Con O'Lyhan, Norman Letchford, Donal and Maire Sheehan), attempting to hold together some sort of critical Marxist analysis of the current Irish situation, despite what went on in Hungary. There is, alas, no precise record about what this analysis was, but I remember him pacing up and down in our house in Sandymount, delivering what must have been a dry run for his position statement, which depended on a virtual historical analogy, and it ran something like this:
"Imagine that a socialist Britain had been in a war with the capitalist US, and had driven the US out of Ireland, installing a government in Ireland composed of the current IWL leadership. Imagine that the Irish people had risen against this imposed government, with US aid, and that the British had again intervened to suppress the rising, and installed another imposed government, this time selecting their people a bit better. Which side would we be on?" One can indeed see the difficulty of the position of the Left!
The journal continues into 1957 with records of ongoing tension between the IWL, the CPNI and the CA, and an emerging threat of competition between the Irish Workers' Voice (the IWL paper) and the Irish Democrat in the emigrant market. Subsequent to the aftermath of the Hungarian affair however; on February 4 1957 CDG received a phone-call from Idris Cox of the CPGB; Sean Nolan was in London and wanted to see him. CDG gave him lunch, and some whiskey left over from Xmas. It seems that the Irish Workers Voice had folded up. CDG: '...They had made no statement on Hungary. They had made no statement on the IRA and if they had they would have been critical. The problem now was whether it would be possible to preserve the bookshop. Six months would tell...'. It was proposed to encourage the ex-IWL emigres to collect money. CDG remained neutral.
Then on February 15 CDG recorded that the present writer looked in, having been to Bristol and Harwell on DIAS business, and decided to make an opportunistic visit to London. I filled him in on the unemployed movement; Sam Nolan was the leading figure. CDG records, as picked up from me: '...That two-faced scoundrel Peadar O'Donnell is intriguing with them.... he received a deputation from them in the Shelbourne, and advised them to confine their demands to that for "work", and put up a candidate in Dublin South Central, where Sinn Fein might rob FF of votes.... The lads demurred. Where was the money to come from? Peadar assured them that the money would be available...'. CDG immediately pounced on this: it must have come from Fianna Fail.
It is moreover noteworthy that it was even then FF practice to put up money for movements which were alternatives to the development of a Marxist political Left. We have, perhaps, a pre-view of the way Fianna Fail in the 1960s reacted to the threat of a politicising left-republican movement, as outlined by Justin O'Brien in his book 'The Arms Trial'.
On April 16 1957 there is in the CDG Journal a long entry assessing the roles of the various people involved in the leftist take-over of the CA North London Branch; Pat O'Neill, Jim Prendergast and others. There is talk of a Peadar O'Donnell intrigue to turn Sean Murray in Belfast and Johnny Nolan in Dublin against the CA over the years. The demand was to distribute the Irish Workers Voice instead of the Irish Democrat in London. This was indeed a nadir-period for the Left, dominated as it was by the post-Hungary reaction. On April 22 there is a further long entry in which CDG recorded his impressions of the CP Congress in Hammersmith Town Hall. The analysis of this is for another context. At the end of this entry is a reference to an encounter with Gerry Curran, who has the news that Sean Mulready has been accusing CDG of having a 'friendly attitude' to the IRA. It seems the present writer had been told something similar by George Jeffares. Mulready wants the Irish in Britain just to become trade unionists; he is going to live in Birmingham.
The hostility of the Left in Ireland to any consideration of the national question and partition has clearly begun to influence CDG in the direction of considering the feasibility of the path subsequently taken by the present writer. At this stage it is only a hint, but it perhaps sets the stage for RJ's 1960s evolution.
The foregoing conclusion was confirmed in a series of encounters, in May and June 1957, when Cyril Murray, an IWL member with a Belfast nationalist background, attempted to set up meetings, initially with IWL leadership, and later with the membership in full, at which the debate on 'the Left and the national question' might have been opened up. These proved abortive, though CDG subsequently met with Sean Nolan and found him 'affable'. In the meantime the unemployed movement was successfully aborted by the intervention of Archbishop McQuaid.
Volume 13
Continuing with Volume 13, the story is taken up on August 28 1960: CDG was in Dungannon, after a session with Jack Bennett in Belfast, and one with Sean Caughey the Sinn Fein political activist, looking into the question of civil rights and the release of the prisoners. He referred to Caughey's Council for Civil Liberties '...founding its tactics on the methods of "pressure grouping" adopted by the CA...' He noted the change in three years. His Connolly book was now set in type and he was beginning his work on Mellows. It seems I had earlier helped him with transport to find Mellows relatives.
He cycled on to Omagh and then on to Donegal. Then on August 30 he cycled to Tubbercurry and called on Pat Durcan.....It seemed Durcan was '..undismayed by the Hungarian events..'; (these it seems were still at the top of CDG's consciousness). After making it to Galway on September 1, CDG finally ended up in Dublin, where he met with Brian Farrington and the present writer, and a Marxist analysis of the role of Yeats began to take shape, which subsequently led to a publication by Brian Farrington, surfacing in the lead-up to the 1966 celebration of 1916.
Greaves in the early 1960s.
I continue with the highlights of my abstracts of the Greaves journals in the first half of the 1960s.
In January 1961 CDG recorded receiving a letter from Stockholm: '...from HB Eller who has disposed of his business and gone home. He must be about 75... a very likable old man. He is worried about the disposal of the library of the Peat Society, some 1000 key surveys, and specimens, and has been in touch with Bernal and Edgar Young about it. I therefore wrote to Bernal, and Young, and also to Frank Mitchell, now Provost of TCD, and to Justin Keating, finally writing to Eller telling him what I had done. He is a genuine enthusiast for turf development...'.
This indicates that CDG had kept alive his feel for the importance of scientific technology in the context of Irish economic development. According to MacLiam, he kept up his subscriptions to scientific journals. He had been in contact with Mitchell in the late 1940s, in a consultant capacity, but because he had given up his work as a fuel technologist and industrial chemist, he had lost touch with the likes of Mitchell, who was not Provost of TCD; McConnell was, but Mitchell was influential as Registrar; he was working at the time with JJ on the Townley Hall agricultural research project. Mitchell was indeed a world-renowned peat expert, mostly from the angle of how to date it, for which work he subsequently became an FRS. It is a pity that in this domain CDG allowed himself totally to drop out.
Thus ends Volume 13 of the Greaves Journal, after some notes on a January 1961 visit to Dublin, mostly in the National Library, on the Liam Mellows trail. There is a hiatus, and Volume 14 takes up from November 1 1962 and continues until March 31 1964.
Volume 14
CDG spent from November 1 to 9 1962 in Belfast. The context was his perceived need for an analysis of, and response to, the Barritt and Carter book, The Northern Ireland Problem, to which he was writing a reply, which was published in due course as The Irish Crisis. He encountered Jack Bennett, Billy McCullough, Betty Sinclair, Hugh Moore, Bill Graham; these initial contacts are all CPNI. There was a discussion in the Trades Council office: was NI subsidised? The nationalists say yes, the Unionists say no. CDG leaned heavily on the evidence picked up earlier from Joe Johnston, to the effect that the agricultural subsidies are worth £30M. The Isles and Cuthbert Report cast no light on the issue.
He went on to encounter Art McMillan, Billy Blease, Rev Megahy, Cahir Healy and others; he cycled to Coalisland to see May O'Donnell. Cal O'Herlihy had taken up a post in QUB as an economics lecturer, and he conveyed this to Betty. He talked to Caughey who wanted a 'National Liberation Council' composed of various organisations, but CDG countered with an NCCL-style proposal for a conference on the franchise; Caughey however was not convinced.
Then in London on December 11 1962 there was in prospect a debate on the Barritt-Carter report; Carter refused to debate in person, and put up Norman Gibson instead. CDG: '...I said I had no desire to debate with Mr Gibson whom I had never heard of... Carter has left Barritt to face the music in Belfast... and he is getting a rough time, climbing down and apologising for all his mis-statements..'.
Gibson was then a rising young economist who was putting feelers out in the direction of the Republic; I had encountered him at a Tuairim conference in Greystones, in or about 1959 or 1960, which was considering the implications of the Whitaker Programme and the (then innovatory) orientation of industry in the Republic towards exports. CDG was, in my opinion, quite wrong to underestimate him; I had certainly heard of him; I was in contact with the CA; CDG never thought to ask me. Any interest shown by economists in the North in the economics of Ireland as a whole should have been welcomed.
There was however a mention on February 4 1963 of the present writer and his understanding of economics, in contrast to Cal O'Herlihy who was slipping visibly into bourgeois economics preparatory to taking up his post in QUB: '..it was quite interesting that RHWJ, not a professional economist, was much more at home in the economics of neo-colonialism...'.
During this time CDG was working quietly to get the nationalists and republicans to talk with the Belfast Trades Council on topics relating to the objectives of the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL). This was the embryo of the thinking which led to the broad-based Civil Rights movement. The issue had earlier been identified as Civil Rights related, and the Connolly Association had organised three 'long marches' across England, encountering and activating a series of Irish emigrant communities. The third one, from Liverpool to London, ended in a rally in Trafalgar Square for Civil Rights and a United Ireland in the summer of 1962. I found no reference to this episode in CDG's Diary, perhaps because while 'on the march' he had put it aside.
On August 1 1963 CDG had a revealing entry relating to the present writer: '...Roy goes back to Ireland on Tuesday to take up his post with Aer Lingus. He wants to talk to everybody about his "role" there. But he is incapable of pursuing single-mindedly a political course of action, let alone originating one. So I made no suggestions. And in any conflict between his duty and his interests or convenience, his interests or convenience are bound to win. Still he is not the worst....' On the previous day he had recorded something of the problem we had getting back into our own house, currently occupied by Jim Fitzgerald and family upstairs and Anthony Coughlan down below. Certain rearrangements would obviously be necessary, and money was involved. In this context he interpreted my concern with the financial side of things as being 'miserly'.
The foregoing says something about CDG's judgment of people, and his confidence in their ability to grasp his strategies. The Civil Rights approach within the NI situation was in gestation, and he had already set up the contacts. Yet he chose not to tell me anything about it, in a farewell briefing, which I had asked for. If he had briefed me, it is quite possible that the Wolfe Tone Society in Dublin would have been able to help this process along earlier, with its Belfast contacts, which included Jack Bennett, and, later, people like Alec Foster, Michael Dolley and John D Stewart, and indeed Kader Asmal in Dublin. But he seemed to be dismissive of the potential of all-Ireland intellectual democratic networking, preferring to remain in the undergrowth of the CPNI and the IWL, despite his low opinion of their leading personnel. He expected all intellectuals to go the road taken by Cal O'Herlihy and Justin Keating, and he automatically wrote them off.
Later in Dublin on November 11 1963 CDG lunched with Anthony Coughlan who regaled him with the latest RJ news: it seems that I had '...become somewhat disillusioned with political life in Dublin, which was to be so glorious when he first came here. And whereas then he was an uncritical admirer of the IWL, now he gives them less than their due and mixes mostly with Labour Party people...'.
AC got it wrong. For some time I had been anything but an 'uncritical admirer' of the IWL and had been since the 1950s seeking for a broader base while keeping to principle. My wife Mairin was however at this time taken up with the Labour Party; she helped to build the branch in the north city which got Michael O'Leary elected. I was an observer on the fringe of this process. This suggests caution when interpreting the Greaves record; CDG met people individually and tended to soak up gossip.
Then on January 26 1964 we have references to the Movement for Colonial Freedom conference, and Fenner Brockway's Bill of Rights; this was attended by a delegation of Nationalists who stayed at the Irish Club; the Connolly Association had been instrumental in getting them to come, where the Irish Embassy had been trying for years and failed. The following April CDG visited Dublin, meeting the 'usual suspects' as well as various contacts on the Mellows trail. He again recorded increasing tension between the Irish Workers' League and the Connolly Association, rooted in the activities of some of the IWL emigrants in the company of disruptive ultra-left elements.
These issues remained unresolved, being muddied by the theoretical confusion of the international movement, with Trotskyite and Chinese factors emerging to undermine the high church of post-Stalinist CP orthodoxy. The CA had to try to keep its dedicated analysis of the Irish situation insulated from these confusing cross-currents in the Left.
Volume 15
On April 22 1964 CDG attended an anti-apartheid meeting in the Mansion House, where he was impressed by the contribution of Barry Desmond (whom he noted as Anthony Coughlan's friend). He commented '...the Labour Party would never dream of holding a meeting to protest against apartheid in Northern Ireland...'. Others present included Micheal O'Riordan, Justin and Loretta Keating and Justin's mother May, Johnny Nolan, Frank Edwards and Michael O'Leary. Anthony Coughlan (AC) must have been there because in the context of a post-meeting drink, in the company of Mairin and others (it seems I was due back from the USA on the following Saturday), he noted that '..AC told me an interesting thing told him in Dublin, namely that Martin Ennals came back from the six counties two years ago with material completely condemning the six-county government (as indeed we knew he did) but was prevented from publishing it on the intervention of Transport House as embarrassing to the Labour Party..'.
In June he met the McCluskey's in Dungannon, seeking to get their Social Justice publications distributed in Britain. He welcomed Austin Currie's nomination for East Tyrone. Then after a spell on the Mellows trail in the west he ended up in Dublin , encountering Sceim na gCeardcumainn, of which he was critical, regarding it as introducing 'Irish Irelandism' into the trade union movement. Anthony Coughlan had been writing speeches for Micheal O'Leary and Barry Desmond, but CDG regarded him as being '...most capable at politics and too honest for them...'.
Then on July 31 1964 there was an entry which was again somewhat revealing of the weakness of CDG's judgement of people: he had a call from Joy Rudd ('Miss Rudd') a member of Tuairim, to ask about catering workers. She '...revealed to (CDG's) surprise that she is in the Labour party and is helping Lena Jaeger..'.
CDG usually discounted the roles of women, and likewise that of Tuairim London, and never thought any good could come of the latter, despite its potential for enabling emigre intellectuals to preserve a sense of Irishness; whence his surprise at Joy Rudd, who subsequently returned to Ireland and was a stalwart supporter of the mid-60s politicising Sinn Fein and then later of the Labour Party. MacLiam however defends Greaves in this context, recalling when young being alerted by him to the rights and needs of women.
The same entry has a pejorative reference to one Egan who '...came in representing some high-titled Northern Ireland Civil Rights Society... half a dozen... students wanting to make their names... and a few pounds for an article in the Observer..'.
This must have been Bowes Egan, who subsequently with Michael Farrell was associated with the Peoples Democracy group in Queens. One has to ask, with hindsight, was CDG not unduly dismissive of the emergence of an interest in Civil Rights among Queens students? Could this trend not have been welcomed and cultivated, turning it in a positive direction? An early introduction to acceptable proceedings at meetings would perhaps have nipped in the bud the anarchist PD procedures.
On September 17 1964 CDG noted that Mike Cooley wanted to start up a CA branch in Slough, where Fenner Brockway has a very slender majority.
Cooley, an engineer from Tuam, subsequently became a leading light in the movement to make science and technology serve the people, which was triggered in the context of the closure of the military aircraft factory where he worked. He later served as Technical Director of the Greater London Enterprise Board in the 1980s, a GLC initiative of Ken Livingstone's which survived the Thatcher demolitions.
Later on September 21 CDG recorded that the Labour agent had not contacted Cooley and that some Irish Labour councillors in Slough were afraid of the CA establishing itself there.
This must have been basic anti-communist suspicion; the earlier close association between the CA and the CP, and the current overlapping membership among key people, had generated a legacy which CDG was doing his best to dissipate. Indeed, the inconsistent policy on Ireland within the CPGB continued to put obstacles in the way of the CA's attempts to broaden its base and to make the Labour Movement in Britain aware of the importance of Northern Ireland.
In Dublin on November 6 1964 he had lunch with the present writer, whom he assessed as '...poking his head into everything, making contacts here there and everywhere, but as unsettled as ever, thinking of alternative jobs, and is his father's son every way possible... grandiose research schemes.. I told him he would never complete anything...'. Later CDG encountered an anti-apartheid poster parade, led by Kader Asmal, supported by Anthony Coughlan, Barry Desmond and others. In the evening he met the present writer, Asmal and others, including Ethna MacManus, whom he assessed (unusually for a woman) positively, as a '...likeable and intelligent woman ...a firm believer in the small farmer of the west and strongly allied with O'Donnell...'
Ethna, who later married Michael Viney the Irish Times journalist and active environmentalist, at the time was one of my 'contacts' among whom were beginning to take shape strategies for the development of political left-republicanism; she had been associated with co-operative developments in Killala, and had standing with the republicans, having provided a 'safe house' during the 1950s. She was however far from being an ally of Peadar O'Donnell, whose work with Father McDyer in the 'defence of the west' she regarded as paternalistic and 'top-down'. She had been attempting to work 'bottom up', organising from the grass-roots, in association with politicising republicans, and had had modest
success.
In December 1964 CDG picked up news from the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis, in the Bricklayers' Hall, to the effect that the present writer had been invited as an 'honoured guest' to speak on a motion supporting co-operation with other organisations, which could be interpreted as including the Connolly Association. He began from this time onwards to take the emergence of broad-based left-republicanism seriously, and for a time there were fewer disparaging remarks about the present writer.
CDG subsequently had lunch with the present writer; the penultimate paragraph in the December 7 entry is worth quoting in full: '...(RHWJ) said Cathal Goulding has gone to London to investigate the dispute over the demonstration which happened during the election, and that having heard I was in Dublin expressed a desire to see me. He is Cathal (MacLiam)'s first cousin so I suggested to Cathal we might invite him up. Taking all in all, things are progressing here "as well as can be expected". The younger people with the Connolly Association experience are becoming personally acceptable to the Republicans, and after Monday's meeting RHWJ and Sean Cronin went off to AC's flat which the young Labour hero Michael O'Leary is sharing, and so all heads clarify each other by mutual interaction...'.
Then on December 10, Cathal Goulding (CG) arrived at MacLiam's, and CDG had the pleasure of introducing him to the cousin he has never met. CG had been supportive of the projected joint Clann na h-Eireann / Connolly Association demonstration; he wanted to keep the door to co-operation open. '...He said he and his colleagues were thinking in broader political terms than in the past. He struck me as a shrewd experienced revolutionary, but without much basic political knowledge... without a grasp of the laws of social evolution. The interesting thing is that he is prepared to support political action on matters of common concern. But like O'Riordan he appears to believe developments in Britain can be directed from Dublin...'.
Thus at the end of 1964, with the present writer back in Dublin for over a year, there are many positive signs of constructive political convergence, and CDG is coming round to regarding Cathal MacLiam and myself as his primary empathetic contacts when in Dublin, with the role of AC being peripheral. We shall see how this evolves as the situation develops.
Volume 16
The year 1965
opened with a meeting of the CPGB International Affairs Committee